Susan
B. Anthony
Chicago,
March 14, 1875
This
speech was delivered as part of the Sunday afternoon Dime lecture series.
Social
Purity
Though
women, as a class, are much less addicted to drunkenness and licentiousness
than men, it is universally conceded that they are by far the greater sufferers
from these evils. Compelled by their position in society to depend on men for
subsistence, for food, clothes, shelter, for every chance even to earn a
dollar, they have no way of escape from the besotted victims of appetite and
passion with whom their lot is cast. They must endure, if not endorse, these
twin vices, embodied, as they so often are, in the person of father, brother,
husband, son, employer. No one can doubt that the sufferings of the sober, virtuous
woman, in legal subjection to the mastership of a drunken, immoral husband and
father over herself and children, not only from physical abuse, but from
spiritual shame and humiliation, must be such as the man himself can not
possibly comprehend.
It is
not my purpose to harrow your feelings by attempt at depicting the horrible
agonies of mind and body that grow out of these monster social evils. They are
already but too well known. Scarce a family throughout our broad land but has
had its peace and happiness marred by one or the other, or both. That these
evils exist, we all know; that something must be done, we as well know; that
the old methods have failed, that man, alone, has proved himself incompetent to
eradicate, or even regulate them, is equally evident. It shall be my endeavor,
therefore, to prove to you that we must now adopt new measures and bring to our
aid new forces to accomplish the desired end.
Forty
years’ effort by men alone to suppress the evil of intemperance give us the
following appalling figures: 600,000 common drunkards! Which, reckoning our
population to be 40,000,000 gives us one drunkard to every seventeen moderate
drinking and total-abstinence men. Granting to each of these 600,000 drunkards
a wife and four children, we have 3,000,000 of the women and children of this
nation helplessly, hopelessly bound to this vast army of irresponsible victims
of appetite.
The
roots of the giant evil, intemperance, are not merely moral and social; they
extend deep and wide into the financial and political structure of the
government; and whenever women, or men, shall intelligently and seriously set
themselves about the work of uprooting the liquor traffic, they will find
something more than tears and prayers needful to the task. Financial and
political power must be combined with moral and social influence, all bound
together in one earnest, energetic, persistent force.
The
prosecutions on our courts for breach of promise, divorce, adultery, bigamy,
seduction, rape; the newspaper reports every day of every year of scandals and
outrages, of wife murders and paramour shooting, of abortions and infanticides,
are perpetual reminders of men’s incapacity to cope successfully with this
monster evil of society.
The
statistics of New York show the murder of professional prostitutes in that city
to be over twenty thousand. Add to these the thousands and tens of thousands of
Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, New Orleans, St. Louis, Chicago, San
Francisco, and all our cities, great and small, from ocean to ocean, and what a
holocaust of the womanhood of this nation is sacrificed to the insatiate Moloch
of lust. And yet more: those myriads of wretched women, publicly known as
prostitutes, constitute but a small portion of the numbers who actually tread
the paths of vice and crime. For, as the oftbroken ranks of the vast army of
common drunkards are steadily filled by the boasted moderate drinkers, so are
the ranks of professional prostitution continually replenished by discouraged,
seduced deserted unfortunates, who can no longer hide the terrible secret of
their lives.
The
Albany Law Journal, of December 1876, says: “The laws of infanticide must be a
dead letter in the District of Columbia. According to the reports of the local
officials, the dead bodies of infants, still-born and murdered, which have been
found during the past year, scattered over parks and vacant lots in the city of
Washington, are to be numbered by hundreds.”
In 1869
the Catholics established a Foundling Hospital in New York City. At the close
of the first six months Sister Irene reported thirteen hundred little waifs
laid in the basket at her door. That meant thirteen hundred of the daughters of
New York, with trembling hands and breaking hearts, trying to bury their sorrow
and their shame from the world’s cruel gaze. That meant thirteen hundred
mothers’ hopes blighted and blasted. Thirteen hundred Rachels weeping for their
children because they were not!
Nor is
it womanhood alone that is thus fearfully sacrificed. For every betrayed woman,
there is always the betrayer, man. For every abandoned woman, there is always
one abandoned man and oftener many more. It is estimated that there are 50,000
professional in London, and Dr. Ryan calculates that there are 400,000 men in
that city directly or indirectly connected with them, and that this vice causes
the city an annual expenditure of $40,000,000.
All
attempts to describe the loathsome and contagious disease, which it engenders,
defy human language. The Rev. Wm. G. Eliot, of St. Louis, says of it: “Few know
of the terrible nature of the disease in question and its fearful ravages, not
only among the guilty, but the innocent. Since its first recognized appearance
in Europe in the fifteenth century, it has been a desolation and a scourge. In
its worst forms it is so subtle, that its course can with difficulty be traced.
It poisons the constitution, and may be imparted to others by those who have no
outward or distinguishable marks of it themselves. It may be propagated months
and years after it seems to have been cured. The purity of womanhood and the
helplessness of infancy afford no certainty of escape.”
Man’s
legislative attempts to setback this fearful tide of social corruption have
proved even more futile and disastrous than have those for the suppression of
intemperance—as witness the Contagious Diseases Acts of England and the St.
Louis experiment. And yet efforts to establish similar laws are constantly made
in our large cities, New York and Washington barely escaping last winter.
To
license certain persons to keep brothels and saloons is but to throw around
them and their traffic the shield of law, and thereby to blunt the edge of all
moral and social efforts against them. Nevertheless, in every large city,
brothels are virtually licensed. When “Maggie Smith” is made to appear before
the police court at the close of each quarter, to pay her fine of $10, $25 or
$100, as an inmate or a keeper of a brothel, and allowed to continue her
vocation, so long as she pays her fine, that is license. When a grand jury
fails to find cause for indictment against a well-known keeper of a house of
ill-fame, that too, is permission for her and all her class to follow their
trade, against the statue laws of the State, and with impunity.
The
work of woman is not to lessen the severity or the certainty of the penalty for
the violation of the moral law, but to prevent this violation by the removal of
the causes, which lead to it. These causes are said to be wholly different with
the sexes. The acknowledged incentive to this vice on the part of man is his
own abnormal passion; while on the part of woman, in the great majority of
causes, it is conceded to be destitution—absolute want of the necessaries of
life. Lecky, the famous historian of European morals, says: “The statistics of
prostitution show that a great proportion of those women who have fallen into
it have been impelled by the most extreme poverty, in many instances verging on
starvation.” All other conscientious students of this terrible problem, on both
continents, agree with Mr. Lecky. Hence, there is no escape from the conclusion
that, while woman’s want of bread induces her to purpose this vice, man’s love
of the vice itself leads him into it and holds him there. While statistics show
no lessening of the passional demand on the part of man, they reveal a most
frightful increase of the temptations, the necessities, on the part of woman.
In the
olden times, when the daughters of the family, as well as the wife, were
occupied with useful and profitable work in the household, getting the meals
and washing the dishes three times in every day of every year, doing the
baking, the brewing, the washing and the ironing, the whitewashing, the butter
and cheese and soap making, the mending and the making of clothes for the
entire family, the carding, spinning and weaving of the cloth—when everything
to eat, to drink and to wear was manufactured in the home, almost no young
women “went out to work.” But now, when nearly all these handicrafts are turned
over to men and to machinery, tens of thousands, nay, millions, of the women of
both hemispheres are thrust into the world’s outer market of work to earn their
own subsistence. Society, ever slow to change its conditions, presents to these
millions but few and meager chances. Only the barest necessaries, and
oftentimes not even those, can be purchased with the proceeds of the most
excessive and exhausting labor.
Hence,
the reward of virtue for the homeless, friendless, penniless woman is ever a
scanty larder, a pinched, patched, faded wardrobe, a dank basement or rickety
garret, with the colder, shabbier scorn and neglect of the more fortunate of
her sex. Nightly, as weary and worn from her day’s toil she wends her way through
the dark alleys toward her still darker abode, where only cold and hunger await
her, she sees on ever side and at ever turn the gilded hand of vice and crime
outstretched, beckoning her to food and clothed and shelter; hears the whisper
in softest accents, “Come with me and I will give you all comforts, pleasures
and luxuries that love and wealth can bestow.” Since the vast multitudes of
human being , women like men, are not born to the courage or conscience of the
martyr, can we wonder that so many poor girls fall, that so many accept
material ease and comfort at the expense of spiritual purity and peace? Should
we not wonder, rather, that so many escape the sad fate?
Clearly,
then, the first step forward solving this problem is to this vast army of poverty-stricken
women who now crowd our cities, above the temptation, the necessity, to sell
themselves, in marriage or out, for bread and shelter. To do that, girls, like
boys, must be educated to some lucrative employment; women, like men, must have
equal chances to earn a living. If the plea that poverty is the cause of
woman’s prostitution be not true, perfect equality of chances to earn honest
bread will demonstrate the falsehood by removing that pretext and placing her
on the same plane with man. Then, if she is found in the ranks of vice and
crime, she will be there for the same reason that man is and, from an object of
pity, she, like him, will become a fit subject of contempt. From being the
party sinned against, she will become an equal sinner, if not the greater of
the two. Women, like men, must not only have “fair play” in the world of work
and self-support, but, like men, must be eligible to all the honors and
emoluments of society and government. Marriage, to women as to men, must be a
luxury, not a necessity; an incident of life, not all of it. And the only
possible way to accomplish this great change is to accord to women equal power
in the making, shaping and controlling of the circumstances of life. That
equality of rights and privileges is vested in the ballot, the symbol of power
in a republic. Hence, our first and most urgent demand—that women shall be
protected in the exercise of their inherent, personal, citizen’s right to a
voice in the government, municipal, state, national.
Alexander
Hamilton said one hundred years ago, “Give to a man the right over my
subsistence, and he has power over my whole moral being.” No one doubts the
truth of this assertion as between man and man; while, as between man and
woman, not does almost no one believe it, but the masses of people deny it. Any
yet it is the fact of man’s possession of this right over woman’s subsistence
which gives to him the power to dictate to her a moral code vastly higher and
purer than the one he chooses for himself. Not less true is it, that the fact
of woman’s dependence on man for her subsistence renders her utterly powerless
to exact from him the same high moral code she chooses for herself.
Of the
8,000,000 women over twenty-one years of age in the United States, 800,000, one
out of every ten, are unmarried, and fully one-half of the entire number, or
4,000,000, support themselves wholly or in part by the industry of their own
hands and brains. All of these married or single have to ask man, as a
individual, a corporation, or a government, to grant to them even the privilege
of hard work and small pay. The ten of thousands of poor but respectable young
girls soliciting copying, clerkships, shop work, teaching, must ask of men, and
not seldom receive in response, “Why work for a living? There are a the ways!”
Whoever
controls work and wages, controls morals. Therefore, we must have women
employers, superintendents, legislators; wherever girls go to seek the means of
subsistence, there must be some woman. Nay, more; we must have women preachers,
lawyers, doctors—that wherever women go to seek counsel—spiritual, legal,
physical—there, too, they will be sure to find the best and noblest of their
own sex to minister to them.
Independence
is happiness. “No man should depend upon another; not even upon his own father.
By depend I mean, obey without examination—yield to the will of any one
whosoever.” This is the conclusion to which Pierre, the hero of Madame Sand’s
“Monsieur Sylvestre,” arrives, after running away from the uncle who had
determined to marry him to a woman he did not choose to wed. In freedom he
discovers that. Though deprived of all the luxuries to which he had been
accustomed, he is happy, and writes his friend that “without having realized
it, he had been unhappy all his life; had suffered from his dependent
condition; that nothing in his life, his pleasures, his occupations, had been
of his own choice.” And is not this the precise condition of what men call the
“better half” of the human family?
In one
of our western cities I once met a beautiful young woman, a successful teacher
in its public schools, an only daughter who had left her New England home and
all its comforts and luxuries and culture. Her farther was a member of Congress
and could bring to her all the attractions of Washington society. That young
girl said to me, “The happiest moment of my life was when I received into my
hand my first month’s salary for teaching.” Not long after, I met her father in
Washington, spoke to him of his noble daughter, and he said: “Yes, you woman’s
rights people have robbed me of my only child and left the home of my old age
sad and desolate. Would to God that the notion of supporting herself had never
entered her head!” Had that same lovely, cultured, energetic young girl left
the love, the luxury, the protection of that New England home for marriage,
instead of self-support; had she gone out to be the light and joy of a
husband’s life, instead of her own; had she but chosen another man, instead of
her father, to decide for her all her pleasures and occupations; had she but
taken another position of dependence, instead of one of independence, neither
her father nor the world would have felt change one to be condemned.
Fathers
should be most particular about the men who visit their daughters, and, to
further this reform, pure women not only must refuse to meet intimately and to
marry impure men, but, finding themselves deceive in their husbands, they must
refuse to continue in the marriage relation with them. We have had quite enough
of the sickly sentimentalism which counts the woman a heroine and a saint for
remaining the wife of a drunken, immoral husband, incurring the risk of her own
health and poisoning the life-blood of the young beings that result from this
unholy alliance. Such company as ye keep, such ye are! must be the maxim of
married, as well as unmarried, women.
So long
as the wife is held innocent in continuing to live with a libertine, and every
girl whom he inveiglers and betrays becomes and outcast whom no other wife will
tolerate in her house, there is, there can be, no hope of solving the problem
of prostitution. As long experience has shown, these poor, homeless girls of
the world can not be relied on, as a police force, to hold all husbands true to
their marriage vows. Here and there, they will fail and, where they do, wives
must make not they girl alone, but their husbands also suffer for their
infidelity, as husbands never fail to do when their wives weakly or wickedly
yield to the blandishments of other men.
In a
western city the wives conspired to burn down a house of ill-fame in which
their husbands had placed a half-dozen of the demi-monde. Would it not have
shown much more womanly wisdom and virtue for those legal vengeance on the
heads of those wretched women? But how could they without finding themselves,
as a result, penniless and homeless? The person, the services, the children,
the subsistence, of each and every one of those women belonged by law, not to
herself, but to her unfaithful husband.
Now,
why is it that man can hold woman to this high code of morals, like Caesar’s
wife—not only pure but above suspicion—and so surely and severely punish her
for every departure, while she is so helpless, so powerless to check him in his
license, or to extricate herself from his presence and control? His power grows
out of his right over her subsistence. Her lack of power grows out of her
dependence on him for her food, her clothes, and her shelter.
Marriage
never will cease to be a wholly unequal partnership until the law recognizes
the equal ownership in the joint earnings and possessions. The true relation of
the sexes never can be attained until woman is free and equal with man. Neither
in the making nor executing of the laws regulating these relations has woman’s
had the slightest voice. The statutes for marriage and divorce, for adultery,
breach of promise, seduction, rape, bigamy, abortion, infanticide—all were made
by men. They, alone, decide who are guilty of violating these laws and what
shall be their punishment, with judge, jury and advocate all men, with
nowoman’s voice heard in our courts, save as accused or witness, and in many
cases the married woman is denied the poor privilege of testifying as to her
own guilt or innocence of the crime charged against her.
Since
the days of Moses and the prophets, men and ministers have preached the law of
“visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children and the children’s
children, to the third and fourth generations.” But with absolute power over
woman and all the conditions of life for the whole 6,000 years, man has proved
his utter inability either to put away his own iniquities, or to cease to hand
them down from generation to generation; hence, the only hope of reform is in
sharing this absolute power with some other than himself, and that other must
be woman. When no longer a subject, but an equal—a free and independent
sovereign, believing herself created primarily for her own individual happiness
and development and secondarily for man’s, precisely as man believes himself
created first for his own enjoyment and second for that of woman—she will
constitute herself sole umpire in the sacred domain of motherhood. Then,
instead of feeling it her Christian duty to live with a drunken, profligate
husband, handing down to her children his depraved appetites and passions, she
will know that God’s curse will be upon her and her children if she flee not
from him as from a pestilence.
It is
worse than folly, it is madness, for woman to delude themselves with the idea
that their children will escape the terrible penalty of the law. The taint of
their birth will surely follow them. For pure women to continue to devote
themselves to their man-appointed mission of visiting the dark purlieus of
society and struggling to reclaim the myriads of badly-born human beings
swarming there, is as hopeless as would be an attempt to ladle the ocean with a
teaspoon; as unphilosophical as was the undertaking of the old American
Colonization Society, which, with great labor and pains and money, redeemed
from slavery and transported to Liberia annually 400 negroes; or the Fugitive
Slave Societies, which succeeded in running off to Canada, on their
“under-ground railroads,” some 40,000 in a whole quarter of a century. While
those good men were thus toiling to rescue the 400 or the 40,000 individual
victims of slavery, each day saw hundreds and each year thousands of human
beings born into the terrible condition of chattelism. All see and admit now
what none but the Abolitionists saw then, that the only effectual work was the
entire overthrow of the system of slavery; the abrogation of the law which
sanctioned the right of property in man.
In
answer to my proposal to speak in one of the cities of Iowa, an earnest woman
replied, “It is impossible to get you an audience; all of our best women are at
present engaged in an effort to establish a ÔHome for the Friendless.’ All the
churches are calling for the entire time of their members to get up fairs,
dinners, concerts, etc., to raise money. In fact, even our woman suffragists
are losing themselves in devotion to some institution.”
Thus,
wherever you go, you find the best women, in and out of the churches, all
absorbed in establishing or maintaining benevolent or reform institutions;
charitable societies, soup-houses, ragged schools, industrial schools, mite
societies, mission schools—at home and abroad—homes and hospitals for the sick,
the aged, the friendless, the foundling, the fallen; asylums for the orphans,
the blind, the deaf and dumb, the insane, the inebriate, the idiot. The women
of this century are neither idle nor indifferent. They are working with might
and main to mitigate the evils which stare them in the face on every side, but
much their work is without knowledge. It is aimed at the effects, not the
cause; it is plucking the spoiled fruit; it is lopping off the poisonous
branches of the deadly upas tree, which but makes the root more vigorous in
sending out new shoots ion every direction. A right understanding of
physiological law teaches us that the cause must be removed; the tree must be
girdled; the tap-root must be severed.
The
tap-root of our social upas ties deep down at the very foundations of society.
It is woman’s dependence. It is woman’s subjection. Hence, the first and only
efficient work must be to emancipate woman from her enslavement. The wife must
no longer echo the poet Milton’s ideal Eve, when she adoringly said to Adam,
“God, thy law; thou, mine!” She must feel herself accountable to God alone for
every act, fearing and obeying no man, save where his will is in line with her
own highest idea of divine law.
The
president of the Howard Mission School, New York, said, “Miss Anthony, it is a
marvel to me that, with so much brain and common sense, you should always
devote yourself to mere abstractions. Why is it that you never set yourself
about some practical work?”
“Like
the Howard Mission?” said I. “How many less children have you now than ten
years ago?”
“Oh, no
less, but many, many more.”
“Would
it not be a practical work, then, to make it possible for every mother to
support her children? That is my and my work; while yours is simply to pick up
the poor children, leaving every girl-child to the mother’s heritage of
helpless poverty and vice. My aim is to change the condition of women to
self-help; yours, simply to ameliorate the ills that must inevitably grow out
of dependence. My work is to lessen the numbers of the poor; yours, merely to
lessen the sufferings of their tenfold increase.”
If the
divine law visits the sins of the fathers upon the children, equally so does it
transmit to them their virtues. Therefor, if it is through woman’s ignorant
subjection to the tyranny of man’s appetites and passions that the life-current
of the race is corrupted, then must it be through her intelligent emancipation
that the race shall be redeemed from the curse, and her children and children’s
children rise up to call her blessed. When the mother of Christ shall be made
the true model of womanhood and motherhood, when the office of maternity shall
be held sacred and the mother shall consecrate herself, as did Mary, to the one
idea of bringing forth the Christ-child, then, and not till then, will this
earth see a new order of men and women, prone to good rather evil.
I am
full and firm in the revelation that it is through woman that the race is to be
redeemed. And it is because of this faith that I ask for her immediate and
unconditional emancipation from all political, industrial, social, and
religious subjection.
“What
is most needed to ensure the future greatness of the empire?” inquired Madame
Campan of the great Napoleon. “Mothers!” was the terse and suggestive reply.
Ralph Waldo Emerson says, “Men are what their mothers made them.” But I say, to
hold mothers responsible for the character of their sons while you deny them
any control over the surroundings of their lives, is worse than mockery, it is
cruelty! Responsibilities grow out of right and powers. Therefor, before
mothers can be held responsible for the vices and crimes, the wholesale
demoralization of men, they must possess all possible rights and powers to
control the conditions and circumstances of their own and their children’s
lives.
A
minister of Chicago sums up the infamies of that great metropolis of the West
as follows: 3,000 licensed dram-shops and myriad patrons; 300 gambling houses
and countless frequenters, many of them young men from the best families of the
city; 79 obscene theaters, with their thousands of degraded men and boys
nightly in attendance; 500 brothels, with their thousands poor girls, bodies
and souls sacrificed to the 20,000 or 30,000 depraved men-young and old,
married and single—who visit them. While all the participants in all these
forms of iniquity, victims and victimizers alike—the women expected—may go to
the polls on ever election day and vote for the mayor and members of the common
council, who will either continue to license these places, or fail to enforce
the laws which would practically close them—not a single woman in that city may
record her vote against those wretched blots on civilization. The profane,
tobacco-chewing, whiskey-drinking, gambling libertines may vote, but not their
virtuous, intelligent, sober, law-abiding wives and mothers!
You
remember the petition of 18,000 of the best women of Chicago, a year ago,
asking the common council not to repeal the Sunday Liquor Law? Why were they
treated with ridicule and contempt? Why was their prayer unheeded? Was it
because the honorable gentlemen had no respect for those women or their demand?
No; on the contrary, many of them, doubtless, were men possessed of high regard
for women, who would have been glad to aid them in their noble efforts; but the
power that placed those men in office, the representatives of the saloons,
brothels obscene shows, crowded the council chamber and its corridors,
threatening political death to the man who should dare give his voice or his
voice for the maintenance of that law. Could those 18,000 women, with the tens
of thousands whom they represented, have gone to the ballot-box at the next
election and voted to re-elect the men who championed their petition, and
defeat those who opposed it, does any one doubt that it would have been heeded
by the common council?
As the
fountain can rise no higher than the spring that feeds it, so a legislative
body will enact or enforce no law above the average sentiment of the people who
created it. Any and every reform work is sure to lead women to the ballot-box.
It is idle for them to hope to battle successfully against the monster evils of
society until they shall be armed with weapons equal to those of the
enemy—votes and money. Archimedes said, “Give to me a fulcrum on which to plant
my lever, and I will move the world.” And I say, give to woman the ballot, the
political fulcrum, on which to plant her moral lever, and she will lift the
world into a nobler purer atmosphere.
Two
great necessities forced this nation to extend justice and equality to the
negro: First, Military necessity, which compelled the abolition of the crime
and curse of slavery, before the rebellion could be overcome. Second, Political
necessity, which required the enfranchisement of the newly-freed men, before
the work of reconstruction could begin. The third is now pressing, Moral
necessity—to emancipate woman, before Social Purity, the nation’s safeguard,
ever can be established.