Harry
S. Truman
INAUGURAL
ADDRESS
THURSDAY,
JANUARY 20, 1949
Mr.
Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility
the honor which the American people have conferred upon me. I accept it with a
deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the
peace of the world.
In
performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of
you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. The tasks we face are
difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.
Each
period of our national history has had its special challenges. Those that
confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Today marks the beginning
not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful,
perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.
It may
be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning
point in the long history of the human race. The first half of this century has
been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by
the two most frightful wars in history. The supreme need of our time is for men
to learn to live together in peace and harmony.
The
peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost
equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time of doubt, they look to the
United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.
It is
fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the
essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to
all peoples.
The
American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the
beginning. We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and
equal opportunity to share in the common good. We believe that all men have the
right to freedom of thought and expression. We believe that all men are created
equal because they are created in the image of God.
From
this faith we will not be moved.
The American
people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and
all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a
decent and satisfying life. Above all else, our people desire, and are
determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on
genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.
In the
pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like- minded nations find
themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally
different concept of life.
That
regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security,
and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by this philosophy, many peoples
have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and
mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.
That
false philosophy is communism.
Communism
is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to
govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.
Democracy
is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as
well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.
Communism
subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without
trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state. It decrees what
information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall
follow, and what thoughts he shall think.
Democracy
maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and
is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual
and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.
Communism
maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.
Democracy
has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.
Communism
holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is
inevitable.
Democracy
holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting
peace.
These
differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States
alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is
material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship
God.
I state
these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the
actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of
free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.
Since
the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its
energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom
to the world.
We have
sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. We have asked for no
privileges we would not extend to others.
We have
constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as
a means of applying democratic principles to international relations. We have
consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among
nations.
We have
made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our
most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and
control of all armaments.
We have
encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and
fair basis.
Almost
a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest
cooperative economic program in history. The purpose of that unprecedented
effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free
people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of
civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the
world.
Our
efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten back despair and
defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.
Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we
need not have war--that we can have peace.
The
initiative is ours.
We are
moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of
international order and justice. We shall have as our partners countries which,
no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now
working to improve the standards of living of all their people. We are ready to
undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.
In the
coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major
courses of action.
First,
we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related
agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority
and increase their effectiveness. We believe that the United Nations will be
strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing
toward self-government under democratic principles.
Second,
we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.
This
means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European
recovery program. We are confident of the success of this major venture in
world recovery. We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the
status of self-supporting nations once again.
In
addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade
and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peace itself depend on
increased world trade.
Third,
we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.
We are
now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to
strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such an agreement would
take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the
United Nations Charter.
We have
already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the
treaty of Rio de Janeiro.
The
primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the
joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any
quarter. Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all
it can to the common defense.
If we
can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our
national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might
never occur.
I hope
soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security
plan.
In
addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which
will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.
Fourth,
we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific
advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of
underdeveloped areas.
More
than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.
Their food is inadequate. They are victims of disease. Their economic life is
primitive and stagnant. Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them
and to more prosperous areas.
For the
first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to
relieve the suffering of these people.
The
United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and
scientific techniques. The material resources which we can afford to use for
the assistance of other peoples are limited. But our imponderable resources in
technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.
I
believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of
our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their
aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation with other nations, we
should foster capital investment in areas needing development.
Our aim
should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to
produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more
mechanical power to lighten their burdens.
We
invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this
undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. This should be a
cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United
Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable. It must be a
worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom.
With
the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this
country, this program can greatly increase the industrial activity in other
nations and can raise substantially their standards of living.
Such
new economic developments must be devised and controlled to benefit the peoples
of the areas in which they are established. Guarantees to the investor must be
balanced by guarantees in the interest of the people whose resources and whose
labor go into these developments.
The old
imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans. What
we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democratic
fair-dealing.
All
countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from a constructive program
for the better use of the world's human and natural resources. Experience shows
that our commerce with other countries expands as they progress industrially
and economically.
Greater
production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key to greater
production is a wider and more vigorous application of modern scientific and
technical knowledge.
Only by
helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselves can the human
family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is the right of all people.
Democracy
alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples of the world into
triumphant action, not only against their human oppressors, but also against
their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery, and despair.
On the
basis of these four major courses of action we hope to help create the
conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom and happiness for all
mankind.
If we
are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it is clear that we must
have continued prosperity in this country and we must keep ourselves strong.
Slowly
but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing
prosperity.
We are
aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live
today in fear under their own governments.
We are
aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and
sincerity.
We are
aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own
affairs.
We are
aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance
that men in free societies can enjoy.
We are
aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to
live their own lives for useful ends.
Our
allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.
In due
time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and more nations come to know
the benefits of democracy and to participate in growing abundance, I believe
that those countries which now oppose us will abandon their delusions and join
with the free nations of the world in a just settlement of international differences.
Events
have brought our American democracy to new influence and new responsibilities.
They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, and our concept of liberty.
But I
say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater
liberty.
Steadfast
in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's
freedom is secure.
To that
end we will devote our strength, our resources, and our firmness of resolve.
With God's help, the future of mankind will be assured in a world of justice,
harmony, and peace.